한국 근·현대 불교사회운동에 대한 사회운동론적 재해석 : 시대적 변동과 불교지식인의 사회적 실천의 상호작용을 중심으로

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study aims to reinterpret Buddhist social movements carried out by Buddhist intellectuals amid the upheavals of Korean society from the port-opening of 1876 to the June Democratic Uprising of 1987, from the perspective of social movement theory, and to comprehensively elucidate their structural characteristics and historical significance. Since modern times, Korean society has repeatedly re-established its social order through numerous acts of resistance and social movements, and the Buddhist community has likewise
sustained practices oriented toward the alleviation of social suffering
and societal transformation—namely, Buddhist social movements—
grounded in the values of compassion and the salvation of sentient beings. However, prior research has been largely confined to political history, nationalist history, or intellectual history, and has not sufficiently clarified the political, economic, and social conditions under which Buddhist intellectuals’ Buddhist social movements were formed
and unfolded, nor the analytical level at which internal reform movements and outward, society-oriented practical movements should be distinguished. Accordingly, this study does not treat Buddhist social movements merely as a sequence of events or as doctrinal
interpretation; rather, it analyzes them in a multi-dimensional manner in accordance with the core analytical questions of social movement research—social conditions, actors, organization, collective practice, and change.
The findings are as follows. First, Buddhist social movements can be defined as social practices that inevitably emerge in the course of Buddhist cultivation grounded in Buddhist doctrines and values, and as collective behavior that drives the alleviation of social suffering and structural transformation. This shows that Buddhist social movements are not limited to internal reforms of the Buddhist order or to nationalist practices alone, but also correspond to the universal definition of social movements. Second, through the egalitarian order of the Early Buddism Sangha(僧伽) community, the Mahāyāna philosophy of Bodhisattva, and socially engaged practices reflected in various scriptures, this study confirms that Buddhism is a religion that inherently embodies a social character. At the same time, historical developments such as patriotic Buddhism, reform Buddhism, and the people Buddhist movement demonstrate that Buddhist social movements constitute a practical tradition that has continually transformed in response to the demands of each era. Third, this study critically reviews the limitations of earlier scholarship, which often remained within nationalist interpretations or idea-centered approaches and thus explained Buddhist intellectuals’ collective practices only fragmentarily. To address these limits, it introduces an analytical framework from social movement theory—structural strain, relative deprivation, and a historical approach—thereby providing an theoretical basis for understanding Buddhist social movements as collective practices that unfolded amid crises of their time.
In the period-based analysis, this study shows that during the
enlightenment period, the modernization efforts of Lee Dong-in(李東
仁) and Tak Jeong-sik(卓挺埴) developed amid crises characterized by
rapid shifts in the international order, foreign pressure, and internal
turmoil. Working in cooperation with enlightenment group, they pursued diplomatic negotiations and reforms of military institutions, seeking national prosperity and strength as well as autonomous modernization; yet their activities were cut short by political upheavals. Nevertheless, their vision of modernization and Buddhism’s social practice helped form the groundwork for reforms that later flowed into the Gapsin Coup(甲申政變) and the Gabo Reforms(甲午改
革), and can thus be evaluated as a practical social movement oriented toward structural transformation of society. During the Japanese colonial period, this study confirms that the independence movements of Han Young-un(韓龍雲), Baek Yong-seong(白龍城), and
Kim Beop-rin(金法麟) unfolded as responses to structural violence, including the loss of national sovereignty, colonial repression, the transformation of Korea into a logistical base, and policies of cultural and identity erasure. Han Young-un not only participated in the March First Movement but also presented arguments for Buddhist reform, thereby re-establishing Buddhism’s role in the face of the times. Baek Yong-seong strengthened the Buddhist community by supporting anti-Japanese activities and promoting popularization and the preservation of tradition, while Kim Beop-rin expanded Buddhist social engagement by publicizing the legitimacy of Korean
independence in international arenas and attempting educational reforms. These practices contributed to the liberation of colonial Korea and also provided momentum for the expansion of Buddhist social participation in subsequent periods.
In the military dictatorship period, this study finds that Beop-jeong (法頂)’s democratization activism and Yeo Ik-gu(呂益九)’s people Buddhist movement were formed amid structural contradictions such as the Cold War division system, the dictatorship’s suppression of fundamental rights, and the sacrifice of the people under developmentalism. In particular, as the Buddhist community’s social role weakened due to the purification movement and prolonged internal conflicts, and as collusion between politics and religion
deepened through state intervention, the foundations for society-oriented practice were severely undermined. Under these conditions, Beop-jeong criticized militarism and the pursuit of power and engaged in democratization practices through public declarations, organizational participation, and journalistic contributions. Yeo Ik-gu, in solidarity with young lay Buddhists and monastics, criticized unequal social structures and sought to realize Buddhism’s social responsibility through alliances with workers, farmers, students, and
other marginalized groups. This trajectory helped form the foundations for the historical achievements of the 1987 democratic uprising and for subsequent developments such as the movement for practical Buddhism and the socialization movement of enlightenmen.
In sum, modern and contemporary Buddhist social movements were collective practices through which Buddhist intellectuals responded to political, economic, and social crises and, under the conditions of each era, reconfigured modern values and tasks through Buddhist traditions. This corresponds to Eisenstadt’s concept of multiple modernities, which holds that modernity is not a single model but is realized through diverse pathways across societies, and suggests that
Korean Buddhist social movements represent one aspect of a Buddhist modernity formed within the Korean context rather than a simple repetition of Western or Japanese modernity. Moreover, this practical tradition can be discussed in continuity with the discourse of socially engaged Buddhism, which has expanded Buddhism’s practical
response to real-world problems under modern conditions, and it
supports the possibility that Buddhism may function as a practical agent in addressing contemporary Korean society’s diverse conflicts and structural contradictions—including inequality, labor issues, environmental problems, and human rights.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• Ⅰ. 서 론 ············································································································ 1
• 1. 연구배경 및 목적 ··················································································· 1
• 2. 연구의 범위 및 방법 ············································································· 9
• 1) 연구의 범위 ··························································································· 9
• 2) 연구의 방법 ························································································· 11
• 3. 연구의 한계와 의의 ············································································ 14
• Ⅱ. 불교사회운동의 개념과 사회학적 분석틀 ······································· 16
• 1. 불교사회운동의 이해와 특징 ···························································· 16
• 1) 사회운동(social movement)의 개념적 정의 ···························· 17
• 2) 불교사회운동의 이론적 검토와 역사적 전개 ···························· 20
• (1) 불교사회운동의 이론적 검토 ····················································· 22
• (2) 불교경전에 나타난 사회운동적 실천 ······································· 28
• (3) 불교사회운동의 역사적 전개 ····················································· 48
• 2. 기성 불교사회운동 연구의 한계 ····················································· 54
• 3. 사회학적 접근의 필요성과 분석틀 ················································· 60
• Ⅲ. 개화기 불교지식인의 시대인식과 근대화 운동 ···························· 73
• 1. 개화기 조선사회의 문제와 그 배경 ··············································· 75
• 1) 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ···································································· 76
• 2. 개화승 이동인과 탁정식의 시대인식과 근대화 운동 ················ 85
• 1) 이동인의 외교활동과 근대화 운동 ··············································· 87
• 2) 탁정식의 시대인식과 근대화 운동 ··············································· 97
• 3) 개화기 불교사회운동의 결과와 그 영향 ·································· 105
• 3. 소결 ······································································································· 109
• Ⅳ. 일제강점기 불교지식인의 독립운동 ··············································· 112
• 1. 1910-1945년 일제강점기의 사회문제와 그 배경 ····················· 114
• 1) 1910-1919년의 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ···································· 116
• 2) 1920-1930년의 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ··································· 123
• 3) 1931-1945년의 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ···································· 128
• 2. 한용운의 독립운동와 조선불교개혁 ············································· 135
• 1) 한용운의 독립운동 ········································································· 135
• 2) 한용운의 조선불교개혁 ································································· 144
• 3. 백용성의 독립운동과 대각교 운동 ··············································· 151
• 1) 백용성의 독립운동 ·········································································· 151
• 2) 백용성의 대각교 운동 ···································································· 156
• 4. 김법린의 독립운동과 만당(卍堂) ················································ 162
• 5. 소결 ······································································································· 171
• Ⅴ. 해방 이후 군부독재기 불교지식인의 민주화 운동 ···················· 174
• 1. 1945-1987년 현대 한국의 사회문제와 그 배경 ······················· 177
• 1) 해방혼돈기(1945-1960)의 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ··············· 178
• 2) 군부독재기(1961-1987)의 정치·경제·사회적 배경 ··············· 189
• 2. 해방 이후 불교계의 동향과 불교정화운동 ································ 198
• 1) 해방 이후 불교계의 동향 ····························································· 198
• 2) 불교정화운동(1954-1970) ····························································· 200
• 3. 법정의 민주화 운동 ·········································································· 204
• 4. 여익구의 민중불교운동 ···································································· 211
• 5. 소결 ······································································································· 220
• Ⅵ. 결 론 ······································································································· 223
• 참 고 문 헌 ···························································································· 230
• ABSTRACT ································································································ 240