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      (A) comparative analysis of middle power diplomacy in changing Indo-pacific regional dynamics : Australia and South Korea

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T17053836

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      국문 초록 (Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

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      본 연구의 목적은 중견국인 호주와 한국의 비교사례연구를 통해 중견국 외교 정책에 대한 이론 및 실증적 이해를 심화하는 것인다. 양 국가는 유사한 수준의 하드파워와 소프트파워를 갖춘 자유 민주주의 국가이며 인도-태평양 역내에서 대표적 중견국으로서의 지위를 강화하고자 노력하고 있다. 이 지정학적 지역은 현재 이 지역 안팎의 다양한 국가들 사이에서 많은 전략적, 외교적 논의를 불러 일으키고 있다. 미국과 중국 양대 강국 간 역내 긴장이 고조되는 가운데 중견국 외교가 위기에 처하면서 호주와 한국은 각자의 역할 및 파워를 찾기 위해 고군분투하고 있다. 호주와 한국은 외교 및 국방 전략의 기본축이 되는 미국과 긴밀한 동맹이다. 또한 양국은 중국에 대한 무역 의존도 및 무역 보복을 경험한 유사점을 공유하고 있다. 이러한 유사점으로 인해 많은 정책 실무자들은 두 유사입장국이 어떻게 협력할 수 있는지에 관심을 갖는 경향이 있다. 그러나 전략적 제한점이 많은 역내에서 두 중견국의 서로 다른 전략적 결정과 외교적 행동 요인에 대한 관심은 상대적으로 적다. 양국의 유사성에서 벗어나 차이점을 식별함으로써 이 비교 연구는 중견국이 강대국의 양향에서 벗어나 자기 정체성, 역할 및 영향력을 확보하고자 하는 노력 및 한계를 분석하고자 한다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 두 중견국과 관련해 다음과 같은 질문을 던진다. 호주와 한국은 왜 미국과 중국과의 관계에서 서로 다른 외교 정책적 행동을 취하는가? 본 연구는 한 국가가 중견국 지위를 어떻게 정의하고 글로벌 무대에서 영향력을 미치는지 이해하기 위해 역할 이론을 활용한다. 유사한 위치에 있는 두 중견국을 비교하여 호주와 한국에 서로 다른 결과를 초래하는 외교정책 결정 과정과 목표를 다루기 위해 외교정책 분석 (Foreign Policy Analysis) 기술이 고려된다. 먼저, 문헌 고찰을 통해 중견국 발전의 역사 및 현주소를 다양한 관점에서 이해한다. 호주와 한국 정부 및 정치 지도자의 연설문, 성명문, 합의문, 공식 인터뷰 등이 외교정책의 방향 결정과 전략적 선택을 위한 질적 사례 연구에 활용된다. 본 논문은 호주의 경우 중견국으로서의 정체성을 ‘지역 안보 리더’로 정의하면서 의회 연정하 국내의 초당파적 지원을 바탕으로 적극적인 행보를 이어 나가는 반면, 한국은 강대국의 행동에 대응하기 위해 ‘지역 균형자’ 또는 ‘중추적 중재자’ 역할을 추구하며 이 과정에서 대통령제 하 정권의 정치적 성향과 국내 정치에 따라 외교 정책이 좌지우지되는 모습을 보여준다. 이 연구는 국가 지도자와 외교 정책 엘리트가 외교 정책 방향을 형성하고 국가의 역할을 식별하는 데 중요한 역할을 한다고 확인하였다. 이 과정에서 FPA의 합리적 행위자 (rational actor) 접근 방식은 정권 교체에도 흔들리지 않는 호주의 외교 정책을 설명하는 반면, 행정부의 이데올로기가 반영된 국내 정치적 선호와 결정이 우선시되는 한국의 행동에는 정부 협상 (government bargaining) 관점 및 사회 구성주의 (social constructivist) 접근이 적용될 수 있음을 확인했다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 차이점이 각 국가가 지닌 고유한 요인에서 비롯된다고 주장한다. 호주는 중국의 무역 보복에 대응할 수 있는 경제 회복성 및 안보 능력과 외교 정책에 대한 국내의 초당파적 지지를 바탕으로 더욱 적극적인 외교 행보를 이어 나가고 있다. 외교정책 방향에 대한 초당적 합의가 가장 중요하다. 호주 정치계에는 규칙에 기반한 세계 질서 속에서 보편적 가치와 규범을 수호함으로써 국익을 보호한다는 공감대가 형성되어 있다. 호주의 외교 정책 결정 프로세스는 풍부한 자원에서 비롯되는 경제력과 국방력 강화를 바탕으로 경제 다각화와 안보 역량 강화를 통해 실현되었다. 한국은 전체 경제 순위에서 호주를 능가함에도 불구하고 호주만큼 중국에 대항할 수 있는 비대칭적인 경제력과 경제 회복력을 활용하지 못한다는 취약점에서 호주와 상반된다. 그러나 우리의 외교정책에 영향을 미치는 더 큰 요인은 국내정치와 북한문제이다. 개별 의사결정자는 대통령 5년 단임제의 제로섬 게임 접근 방식을 토대로 개인의 목표를 가지고 영향력을 창출하기 위해 경쟁한다. 필연적으로 국내 정치에 기반을 둔 정치적 신념은 외교정책의 결정에 영향을 미친다. 한국의 정부 관료는 국가 수반의 정치적 입장에 크게 영향을 받는데 이는 역할 이론의 국가 역할 개념을 통해서도 설명할 수 있다. 북한 문제는 국내 정치 현안으로 활용될 뿐만 아니라 미국, 중국과의 관계에서도 대외정책 방향에 큰 영향을 미치고 있음을 설명하였다. 본 논문은 국가 역할 개념 체계가 외교 정책 결정을 형성하는 데 있어 국내 정치 엘리트의 중요성을 어떻게 강조할 수 있는지 검토함으로써 기존 연구에 기여한다. 특히, 중견국 역학에 초점을 맞춰 인도-태평양 역내 두 국가의 외교 정책에 대한 실증적 심층적 조사를 했다는 점에 연구의 가치가 있다. 대부분의 국제관계 연구는 강대국을 중심으로 이루어지기 때문에 점점 더 복잡해지는 세계 및 지역 환경에서 중견국이 기여할 수 있는 점을 강조하고 더욱 경쟁이 심화되는 지정학적 환경에서 외교 정책 방향에 영향을 미치는 독특한 요인이 무엇인지 주목할 필요가 있다.
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      본 연구의 목적은 중견국인 호주와 한국의 비교사례연구를 통해 중견국 외교 정책에 대한 이론 및 실증적 이해를 심화하는 것인다. 양 국가는 유사한 수준의 하드파워와 소프트파워를 갖춘 ...

      본 연구의 목적은 중견국인 호주와 한국의 비교사례연구를 통해 중견국 외교 정책에 대한 이론 및 실증적 이해를 심화하는 것인다. 양 국가는 유사한 수준의 하드파워와 소프트파워를 갖춘 자유 민주주의 국가이며 인도-태평양 역내에서 대표적 중견국으로서의 지위를 강화하고자 노력하고 있다. 이 지정학적 지역은 현재 이 지역 안팎의 다양한 국가들 사이에서 많은 전략적, 외교적 논의를 불러 일으키고 있다. 미국과 중국 양대 강국 간 역내 긴장이 고조되는 가운데 중견국 외교가 위기에 처하면서 호주와 한국은 각자의 역할 및 파워를 찾기 위해 고군분투하고 있다. 호주와 한국은 외교 및 국방 전략의 기본축이 되는 미국과 긴밀한 동맹이다. 또한 양국은 중국에 대한 무역 의존도 및 무역 보복을 경험한 유사점을 공유하고 있다. 이러한 유사점으로 인해 많은 정책 실무자들은 두 유사입장국이 어떻게 협력할 수 있는지에 관심을 갖는 경향이 있다. 그러나 전략적 제한점이 많은 역내에서 두 중견국의 서로 다른 전략적 결정과 외교적 행동 요인에 대한 관심은 상대적으로 적다. 양국의 유사성에서 벗어나 차이점을 식별함으로써 이 비교 연구는 중견국이 강대국의 양향에서 벗어나 자기 정체성, 역할 및 영향력을 확보하고자 하는 노력 및 한계를 분석하고자 한다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 두 중견국과 관련해 다음과 같은 질문을 던진다. 호주와 한국은 왜 미국과 중국과의 관계에서 서로 다른 외교 정책적 행동을 취하는가? 본 연구는 한 국가가 중견국 지위를 어떻게 정의하고 글로벌 무대에서 영향력을 미치는지 이해하기 위해 역할 이론을 활용한다. 유사한 위치에 있는 두 중견국을 비교하여 호주와 한국에 서로 다른 결과를 초래하는 외교정책 결정 과정과 목표를 다루기 위해 외교정책 분석 (Foreign Policy Analysis) 기술이 고려된다. 먼저, 문헌 고찰을 통해 중견국 발전의 역사 및 현주소를 다양한 관점에서 이해한다. 호주와 한국 정부 및 정치 지도자의 연설문, 성명문, 합의문, 공식 인터뷰 등이 외교정책의 방향 결정과 전략적 선택을 위한 질적 사례 연구에 활용된다. 본 논문은 호주의 경우 중견국으로서의 정체성을 ‘지역 안보 리더’로 정의하면서 의회 연정하 국내의 초당파적 지원을 바탕으로 적극적인 행보를 이어 나가는 반면, 한국은 강대국의 행동에 대응하기 위해 ‘지역 균형자’ 또는 ‘중추적 중재자’ 역할을 추구하며 이 과정에서 대통령제 하 정권의 정치적 성향과 국내 정치에 따라 외교 정책이 좌지우지되는 모습을 보여준다. 이 연구는 국가 지도자와 외교 정책 엘리트가 외교 정책 방향을 형성하고 국가의 역할을 식별하는 데 중요한 역할을 한다고 확인하였다. 이 과정에서 FPA의 합리적 행위자 (rational actor) 접근 방식은 정권 교체에도 흔들리지 않는 호주의 외교 정책을 설명하는 반면, 행정부의 이데올로기가 반영된 국내 정치적 선호와 결정이 우선시되는 한국의 행동에는 정부 협상 (government bargaining) 관점 및 사회 구성주의 (social constructivist) 접근이 적용될 수 있음을 확인했다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 차이점이 각 국가가 지닌 고유한 요인에서 비롯된다고 주장한다. 호주는 중국의 무역 보복에 대응할 수 있는 경제 회복성 및 안보 능력과 외교 정책에 대한 국내의 초당파적 지지를 바탕으로 더욱 적극적인 외교 행보를 이어 나가고 있다. 외교정책 방향에 대한 초당적 합의가 가장 중요하다. 호주 정치계에는 규칙에 기반한 세계 질서 속에서 보편적 가치와 규범을 수호함으로써 국익을 보호한다는 공감대가 형성되어 있다. 호주의 외교 정책 결정 프로세스는 풍부한 자원에서 비롯되는 경제력과 국방력 강화를 바탕으로 경제 다각화와 안보 역량 강화를 통해 실현되었다. 한국은 전체 경제 순위에서 호주를 능가함에도 불구하고 호주만큼 중국에 대항할 수 있는 비대칭적인 경제력과 경제 회복력을 활용하지 못한다는 취약점에서 호주와 상반된다. 그러나 우리의 외교정책에 영향을 미치는 더 큰 요인은 국내정치와 북한문제이다. 개별 의사결정자는 대통령 5년 단임제의 제로섬 게임 접근 방식을 토대로 개인의 목표를 가지고 영향력을 창출하기 위해 경쟁한다. 필연적으로 국내 정치에 기반을 둔 정치적 신념은 외교정책의 결정에 영향을 미친다. 한국의 정부 관료는 국가 수반의 정치적 입장에 크게 영향을 받는데 이는 역할 이론의 국가 역할 개념을 통해서도 설명할 수 있다. 북한 문제는 국내 정치 현안으로 활용될 뿐만 아니라 미국, 중국과의 관계에서도 대외정책 방향에 큰 영향을 미치고 있음을 설명하였다. 본 논문은 국가 역할 개념 체계가 외교 정책 결정을 형성하는 데 있어 국내 정치 엘리트의 중요성을 어떻게 강조할 수 있는지 검토함으로써 기존 연구에 기여한다. 특히, 중견국 역학에 초점을 맞춰 인도-태평양 역내 두 국가의 외교 정책에 대한 실증적 심층적 조사를 했다는 점에 연구의 가치가 있다. 대부분의 국제관계 연구는 강대국을 중심으로 이루어지기 때문에 점점 더 복잡해지는 세계 및 지역 환경에서 중견국이 기여할 수 있는 점을 강조하고 더욱 경쟁이 심화되는 지정학적 환경에서 외교 정책 방향에 영향을 미치는 독특한 요인이 무엇인지 주목할 필요가 있다.

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      영어
      한국어
      This thesis seeks to develop a comprehensive understanding of middle-power foreign policy behaviour by conducting a comparative case study of two middle-power nations: Australia and South Korea. Both countries are liberal democracies with comparable material and soft power levels, striving for middle power recognition within the Indo-Pacific region. The geopolitical region currently garners strategic and diplomatic discussions worldwide. As middle-power diplomacy is challenged amid the heightening tensions between the United States [U.S.] and China in this region, Australia and South Korea struggle to find their role. Australia and South Korea maintain close alliances with the U.S., which are fundamental to their foreign and defence strategies. They also depend on China for trade and face economic retaliation. Due to such similarities, many practitioners focus on how the two like-minded countries could cooperate. However, less attention has been paid to what makes the two countries project different strategic decisions and diplomatic actions as middle powers. Moving away from the similarities and identifying these differences, this comparative study analyses the challenges of middle powers while trying to uphold self-identity, roles, and influence unimpacted by greater powers. Thus, this thesis asks the following question: why do Australia and South Korea have divergent foreign policy behaviours in their relationships with and between the U.S. and China? To explore this research question, this study engages in the national role conception framework based on a role-theory perspective to understand how states define their middle power status and influence on the global stage. The role theory originally imported from sociology into the international relations [IR] field is employed to explore middle power roles. The Foreign Policy Analysis [FPA] technique is applied to address the foreign policy-making process of comparing two similarly positioned middle powers with different outcomes. The primary study is a literature review on the development of middle powerism from various perspectives. Speeches, statements, and official interviews from the Australian and South Korean governments are used as primary data for a qualitative case study to determine the direction of foreign policy and strategic choices. Regarding middle-power role enactment, this study finds that Australia, defining itself as the ‘regional security leader’, steers towards proactive actions based on domestic bipartisan support in the parliamentarian environment. South Korea, pursuing its role as a ‘regional balancer’ or ‘pivotal driver’ to respond to bigger powers’ actions, shows foreign policy shifts according to the political orientation of the governing party and domestic politics under the presidential system. National leaders and foreign policy elites are critical in shaping foreign policy directions and identifying a country’s role. In this process, the FPA’s rational actor approach explains Australia’s consistent foreign policy even in times of government change, while a combination of the government bargaining perspective and social constructivist understanding applies to South Korean behaviour, where executive preferences and decisions are prioritised according to the ideological cleavage between domestic political parties. This thesis argues that these disparities stem from factors unique to each country. Australia steers towards even more proactive actions based on domestic bipartisan support for its foreign policy, backed up by leveraging its economic resilience and security powers against China’s trade retaliation. Most importantly, it maintains bipartisan consensus on the direction of foreign policy built on protecting national interest through upholding universal values and norms in a rules-based order. Australia’s foreign policy determination process is strengthened by economic diversification and security empowerment based on economic power stemming from abundant natural resources and strengthening defence capabilities. In contrast, South Korea lacks Australia's asymmetrical economic capability and resilience despite surpassing it in overall economic ranking, making South Korea more vulnerable to Chinese economic retaliation. However, the more significant factors impacting South Korea’s foreign policy are domestic politics and North Korean relations. Individual decision-makers compete to fulfil their own goals based on a zero-sum approach under the presidential system’s five-year terms. Inevitably, the political beliefs of domestic parties influence foreign policy. The government bureaucracies in South Korea are heavily influenced by the political stance of the leaders, which can be explained through the national role conception of role theory. While North Korean relations are a domestic political issue, they also significantly impact the overall direction of foreign policy. This thesis contributes to the existing theoretical literature by investigating how the national role conception framework can underscore the significance of domestic political elites’ expectations in shaping foreign policy decisions. Its empirical contribution involves deeply examining the foreign policy behaviours of two nations in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly focusing on middle power dynamics. With much of the IR study focusing on great powers, it is crucial to emphasise the unique contributions that smaller and middle powers can make in the increasingly intricate and contested global and regional geopolitical landscape and note what unique factors impact their foreign policy direction.
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      This thesis seeks to develop a comprehensive understanding of middle-power foreign policy behaviour by conducting a comparative case study of two middle-power nations: Australia and South Korea. Both countries are liberal democracies with comparable m...

      This thesis seeks to develop a comprehensive understanding of middle-power foreign policy behaviour by conducting a comparative case study of two middle-power nations: Australia and South Korea. Both countries are liberal democracies with comparable material and soft power levels, striving for middle power recognition within the Indo-Pacific region. The geopolitical region currently garners strategic and diplomatic discussions worldwide. As middle-power diplomacy is challenged amid the heightening tensions between the United States [U.S.] and China in this region, Australia and South Korea struggle to find their role. Australia and South Korea maintain close alliances with the U.S., which are fundamental to their foreign and defence strategies. They also depend on China for trade and face economic retaliation. Due to such similarities, many practitioners focus on how the two like-minded countries could cooperate. However, less attention has been paid to what makes the two countries project different strategic decisions and diplomatic actions as middle powers. Moving away from the similarities and identifying these differences, this comparative study analyses the challenges of middle powers while trying to uphold self-identity, roles, and influence unimpacted by greater powers. Thus, this thesis asks the following question: why do Australia and South Korea have divergent foreign policy behaviours in their relationships with and between the U.S. and China? To explore this research question, this study engages in the national role conception framework based on a role-theory perspective to understand how states define their middle power status and influence on the global stage. The role theory originally imported from sociology into the international relations [IR] field is employed to explore middle power roles. The Foreign Policy Analysis [FPA] technique is applied to address the foreign policy-making process of comparing two similarly positioned middle powers with different outcomes. The primary study is a literature review on the development of middle powerism from various perspectives. Speeches, statements, and official interviews from the Australian and South Korean governments are used as primary data for a qualitative case study to determine the direction of foreign policy and strategic choices. Regarding middle-power role enactment, this study finds that Australia, defining itself as the ‘regional security leader’, steers towards proactive actions based on domestic bipartisan support in the parliamentarian environment. South Korea, pursuing its role as a ‘regional balancer’ or ‘pivotal driver’ to respond to bigger powers’ actions, shows foreign policy shifts according to the political orientation of the governing party and domestic politics under the presidential system. National leaders and foreign policy elites are critical in shaping foreign policy directions and identifying a country’s role. In this process, the FPA’s rational actor approach explains Australia’s consistent foreign policy even in times of government change, while a combination of the government bargaining perspective and social constructivist understanding applies to South Korean behaviour, where executive preferences and decisions are prioritised according to the ideological cleavage between domestic political parties. This thesis argues that these disparities stem from factors unique to each country. Australia steers towards even more proactive actions based on domestic bipartisan support for its foreign policy, backed up by leveraging its economic resilience and security powers against China’s trade retaliation. Most importantly, it maintains bipartisan consensus on the direction of foreign policy built on protecting national interest through upholding universal values and norms in a rules-based order. Australia’s foreign policy determination process is strengthened by economic diversification and security empowerment based on economic power stemming from abundant natural resources and strengthening defence capabilities. In contrast, South Korea lacks Australia's asymmetrical economic capability and resilience despite surpassing it in overall economic ranking, making South Korea more vulnerable to Chinese economic retaliation. However, the more significant factors impacting South Korea’s foreign policy are domestic politics and North Korean relations. Individual decision-makers compete to fulfil their own goals based on a zero-sum approach under the presidential system’s five-year terms. Inevitably, the political beliefs of domestic parties influence foreign policy. The government bureaucracies in South Korea are heavily influenced by the political stance of the leaders, which can be explained through the national role conception of role theory. While North Korean relations are a domestic political issue, they also significantly impact the overall direction of foreign policy. This thesis contributes to the existing theoretical literature by investigating how the national role conception framework can underscore the significance of domestic political elites’ expectations in shaping foreign policy decisions. Its empirical contribution involves deeply examining the foreign policy behaviours of two nations in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly focusing on middle power dynamics. With much of the IR study focusing on great powers, it is crucial to emphasise the unique contributions that smaller and middle powers can make in the increasingly intricate and contested global and regional geopolitical landscape and note what unique factors impact their foreign policy direction.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • I. Introduction 1
      • II. Literature Review 5
      • A. Significance of Middle Powerism in International Relations 5
      • B. Role Theory Concept from International Relations Perspective 8
      • C. Definition of Middle Powers from Different Approaches 10
      • I. Introduction 1
      • II. Literature Review 5
      • A. Significance of Middle Powerism in International Relations 5
      • B. Role Theory Concept from International Relations Perspective 8
      • C. Definition of Middle Powers from Different Approaches 10
      • 1. Positional (Material Capabilities) 12
      • 2. Behavioral (Normative Foreign Policy) 14
      • 3. Identity (Defined Role) 19
      • 4. Functional Approach 22
      • 5. Systemic (Impact) 24
      • 6. Contemporary Conceptual Definition and Challenges 27
      • D. Foreign Policy Analysis and Policy Determination 32
      • III. Strategic Dynamics and Players in the Indo-Pacific 41
      • A. Indo-Pacific Region and its History 42
      • B. The U.S.-China Tension in the Region 49
      • 1. China's Rise in the Indo-Pacific 51
      • 2. The U.S.' Indo-Pacific Strategy 55
      • C. Security Diplomacy: Alliance with the U.S. 59
      • D. Economic Diplomacy: Trade Dependency on China 73
      • E. Public Diplomacy: Influence over Foreign (host) Country 82
      • IV. Research Design 87
      • A. Analytical Framework 87
      • B. Research Method 92
      • 1. Comparative Case Study 92
      • 2. Mill's Method of Agreement and Difference 93
      • C. Case Selection: Australia and South Korea 94
      • V. Middle Power Diplomacy Analysis: Then and Now 99
      • A. Development of Middle Powerism in the Region 100
      • 1. Australia's Middle Powerism 100
      • 2. South Korea's Middle Powerism 107
      • B. Assessment of Indo-Pacific Strategy 122
      • 1. Australia's Consistent Indo-Pacific Strategy 122
      • 2. South Korea's First Indo-Pacific Strategy 130
      • VI. Factors in Middle Power Diplomatic Decisions 135
      • A. Unique Factors of Australia 135
      • 1. Economic Resilience and Diversification 136
      • 2. Foreign Policy Continuity and Security Empowerment 141
      • B. Unique Factors of South Korea 148
      • 1. North Korea Relations: Present (Threats) vs Future (Peace) 150
      • 2. Domestic Politics Impact on Diplomatic Direction 163
      • C. Analysis and Discussion 170
      • 1. Australia as Regional Security Leader 170
      • 2. South Korea as Regional Balancer or Pivotal Driver 174
      • VII. Conclusion and Discussion 180
      • Bibliography 185
      • Abstract in Korean 269
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1. , Eui-yong Chung and, Marise Payne, Dutton, Peter, Wook Suh, 2+2 Joint Press Conference. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/marise-payne/transcript/22-joint-press-conference, , 2021

      2. , Marles, Richard, Penny Wong, Won-Sik Shin, Tae-Yul Cho and, 2+2 Joint Press Conference, Melbourne. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/penny-wong/transcript/press-conference-melbourne, , 2024

      3. Statement, Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) on Australia-United States Ministerial Consultations (, 2023. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/joint-statement-australia-united-states-ministerial-consultations-ausmin-2023?_gl=1*e5n89h*_ga*MTAxNTk1NDM1NS4xNjg0MDM5OTMw*_ga_8Z18QMQG8V*MTcwOTAzNjE2OC43LjEuMTcwOTAzNjY2Mi4xOS4wLjA., , 2023

      4. Parliament, Bishop, Julie., Questions without NoticeSouth China Sea. https://parlinfo. aph. gov. au/parlInfo/search/display/display. w3p;query=Id:%22chamber/hansardr/5231190c-6a41-40bb-a062-0d655dea71f6/0085%22, , 2016

      5. Kim to Kim., Foster-Carter, Aidan., 56(6):17-19, , 2000

      6. Asia-Pacific, International Institute for Strategic Studies [IISS, Regional Security Assessment 2022 https://www. iiss. org/publications/strategic-dossiers/asia-pacific-regional-security-assessment-2022/aprsa-chapter-1, , 2022

      7. China Overview., World Bank, https://www. worldbank. org/en/country/china/overview, , 2023

      8. Pacific Aid Map, Lowy Institute, https://pacificaidmap. lowyinstitute. org/, , 2023

      9. Joint statement., Rudd, Kevin and, José Manuel Barroso, Brussels, Belgium. April 2. https://pmtranscripts. pmc. gov. au/release/transcript-15838, , 2008

      10. Multilateralism., Naím, Moisés., Foreign Policy 173(:136-135, , 2009

      1. , Eui-yong Chung and, Marise Payne, Dutton, Peter, Wook Suh, 2+2 Joint Press Conference. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/marise-payne/transcript/22-joint-press-conference, , 2021

      2. , Marles, Richard, Penny Wong, Won-Sik Shin, Tae-Yul Cho and, 2+2 Joint Press Conference, Melbourne. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/penny-wong/transcript/press-conference-melbourne, , 2024

      3. Statement, Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) on Australia-United States Ministerial Consultations (, 2023. https://www. foreignminister. gov. au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/joint-statement-australia-united-states-ministerial-consultations-ausmin-2023?_gl=1*e5n89h*_ga*MTAxNTk1NDM1NS4xNjg0MDM5OTMw*_ga_8Z18QMQG8V*MTcwOTAzNjE2OC43LjEuMTcwOTAzNjY2Mi4xOS4wLjA., , 2023

      4. Parliament, Bishop, Julie., Questions without NoticeSouth China Sea. https://parlinfo. aph. gov. au/parlInfo/search/display/display. w3p;query=Id:%22chamber/hansardr/5231190c-6a41-40bb-a062-0d655dea71f6/0085%22, , 2016

      5. Kim to Kim., Foster-Carter, Aidan., 56(6):17-19, , 2000

      6. Asia-Pacific, International Institute for Strategic Studies [IISS, Regional Security Assessment 2022 https://www. iiss. org/publications/strategic-dossiers/asia-pacific-regional-security-assessment-2022/aprsa-chapter-1, , 2022

      7. China Overview., World Bank, https://www. worldbank. org/en/country/china/overview, , 2023

      8. Pacific Aid Map, Lowy Institute, https://pacificaidmap. lowyinstitute. org/, , 2023

      9. Joint statement., Rudd, Kevin and, José Manuel Barroso, Brussels, Belgium. April 2. https://pmtranscripts. pmc. gov. au/release/transcript-15838, , 2008

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