The US’ official introduction of ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) at the 2017 APEC summit heralded the replacement of the Asia-Pacific regional framework with the Indo-Pacific. This rhetoric change does not merely connote the rising importanc...

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https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T16372646
[Seoul] : Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University, 2022
학위논문(석사) -- Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University , Program in International Cooperation , 2022.8
2022
영어
서울
v, 97 p. : 삽화 ; 26 cm
지도교수: Han, Sukhee
I804:11046-000000542364
0
상세조회0
다운로드다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)
The US’ official introduction of ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) at the 2017 APEC summit heralded the replacement of the Asia-Pacific regional framework with the Indo-Pacific. This rhetoric change does not merely connote the rising importanc...
The US’ official introduction of ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) at the 2017 APEC summit heralded the replacement of the Asia-Pacific regional framework with the Indo-Pacific. This rhetoric change does not merely connote the rising importance of the Indian Ocean, but also indicates escalating tensions between the US and China. While the US Indo-Pacific strategy had evolved from a vague concept into a substantial strategy nowadays, China has yet officially announced any concrete response policy to manage the situation, which makes it hard to infer its potential actions. Given this, the author proposed that one way to understand Beijing’s posture is through the Chinese scholars, since their ideas are generally shaped under China’s diplomatic discourse, consequently reflecting the authority’s attitude. Based on this, the present thesis endeavors to understand Beijing’s response and potential actions in the face of the US Indo-Pacific strategy by investigating Chinese scholars’ perspectives on it. Through the content analysis of 49 journal articles written by Chinese scholars, this study answered how they perceived the US Indo-Pacific strategy and what they had suggested to deal with the situation. Guided by these research questions, the contents of each article were firstly classified into three categories including 1) drawbacks of the US Indo-Pacific strategy, 2) threats to China, 3) suggestions, and then related sentences and paragraphs were coded as references for further scrutiny.
According to the findings, Chinese scholars generally believed that the implementation of the US Indo-Pacific strategy was crippled by several inherent drawbacks, such as inconsistency among the Quad states, lack of ASEAN’s collective support, and the priority of America’s domestic issues, which made it less likely an immediate threat to China. This also explains why the Chinese authority has yet officially announced any coping strategies but continued to circumvent the topic. As the US Indo-Pacific strategy advances, the following challenges will further destabilize Beijing’s strategic environment and hamper the BRI development. Besides, the China-Taiwan relationship will deteriorate as Washington continues to play the Taiwan card whilst promoting the Indo-Pacific framework. In accordance with such understandings, most Chinese scholars prioritized strengthening connections with the regional to firstly stabilize Beijing’s strategic environment, and some of them further proposed to concentrate on developing the BRI and enhancing China’s national strength. To conclude, as the US Indo-Pacific strategy has been considered a less threatening issue, the Chinese scholars generally believed that Beijing needed no new policy to cope with it and suggested extending China’s global reach through the existing international projects, such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Yet, these seemingly less aggressive suggestions not just indicate the scholars’ personal standpoints, but also reflect China’s diplomatic discourse that highlights the rhetoric of cooperation for building its positive political identity.
목차 (Table of Contents)