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      헌법(憲法) 이념에 비추어본 중국 민주화와 8대 민주당파의‘복권(復權)’

      한글로보기

      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T13409655

      • 저자
      • 발행사항

        서울 : 성공회대학교 NGO대학원, 2014

      • 학위논문사항

        학위논문(석사) -- 성공회대학교 NGO대학원 , 비정부기구학전공 , 2014. 2

      • 발행연도

        2014

      • 작성언어

        한국어

      • DDC

        322.4 판사항(21)

      • 발행국(도시)

        서울

      • 형태사항

        iv, 89 p. : 도표 ; 26 cm

      • 일반주기명

        지도교수: 조희연교수

      • 소장기관
        • 성공회대학교 도서관 소장기관정보
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      부가정보

      국문 초록 (Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      중국인들은 개혁개방과 함께 홍수같이 밀려들어오는 외래어들을 모두 완전한 자기 나라 언어로 만들어 세계인을 감탄하게 하고 있다.(예:코카콜라→可口可樂: 커커우커러, 입맛이 좋아서 즐겁다는 뜻을 담고 있다.)
      필자가 중국에서 10여년 이상 살아오면서 ‘중국특색사회주의’나 ‘사회주의시장경제’도 어떤 사회과학적 이론이나 이념이 제시하는 노선을 따라서가 아니라 중국고유의 ‘동방문화의 힘’과 ‘민중의 힘’에 의해 느리지만, ‘새로운길’을 개척하며 가고 있는 게 아닌가 생각되었다.
      덩샤오핑(鄧小平) 체제의 등장과 함께 시작된 중국의 개혁개방도 이런 ‘중국특색의 사회주의 시장경제’로, 특색 있는 경제체제의 변화를 실현하면서 성과를 거두어 왔다.
      전 세계의 눈은 경제성장에 따르는 필연적이라고 할 중국의 또 다른 변화, ‘사회 민주화’와 ‘정치 부문에서의 개혁’을 주시하고 있지만, 그 ‘필연’은 중국에 적용되지 않을 수도 있다고 본다.
      서구적 정당정치론이라든가 ‘민주주의’, ‘시민의식’의 기준과 시각에서 보면 중국 민주당파의 존재와 역할을 긍정 평가하기는 어렵겠지만, ‘감독과 협조’라는 민주당파의 역할이 중국공산당과 정책에 수용되어 왔음도 사실이다.
      중국공산당이 ‘다당합작제도의 장점’을 논한다면, 그들과 함께 민주당파도 중국현대사를 이끌어온 주요 주체이며 중국공산당과 함께 그 공과(功過)에 대한 책임도 있고, 중국공산당과 [8대 민주당파]는 이제까지와는 다르게 가야한다는 점도 알고 있다고 생각된다.
      중국공산당은 이들 [8대 민주당파]가 스스로 환골탈태할 수 있는 길과 기회를 보장함과 동시에 이들에 대한 ‘정치적 복권과 복위’를 단행해 중국식민주주의의 노정에서 대등한 ‘경쟁자’가 될 수있어야하고, 또한 그럴 수 있으리라는 관점이 본 논문의 논지이다.
      번역하기

      중국인들은 개혁개방과 함께 홍수같이 밀려들어오는 외래어들을 모두 완전한 자기 나라 언어로 만들어 세계인을 감탄하게 하고 있다.(예:코카콜라→可口可樂: 커커우커러, 입맛이 좋아서 ...

      중국인들은 개혁개방과 함께 홍수같이 밀려들어오는 외래어들을 모두 완전한 자기 나라 언어로 만들어 세계인을 감탄하게 하고 있다.(예:코카콜라→可口可樂: 커커우커러, 입맛이 좋아서 즐겁다는 뜻을 담고 있다.)
      필자가 중국에서 10여년 이상 살아오면서 ‘중국특색사회주의’나 ‘사회주의시장경제’도 어떤 사회과학적 이론이나 이념이 제시하는 노선을 따라서가 아니라 중국고유의 ‘동방문화의 힘’과 ‘민중의 힘’에 의해 느리지만, ‘새로운길’을 개척하며 가고 있는 게 아닌가 생각되었다.
      덩샤오핑(鄧小平) 체제의 등장과 함께 시작된 중국의 개혁개방도 이런 ‘중국특색의 사회주의 시장경제’로, 특색 있는 경제체제의 변화를 실현하면서 성과를 거두어 왔다.
      전 세계의 눈은 경제성장에 따르는 필연적이라고 할 중국의 또 다른 변화, ‘사회 민주화’와 ‘정치 부문에서의 개혁’을 주시하고 있지만, 그 ‘필연’은 중국에 적용되지 않을 수도 있다고 본다.
      서구적 정당정치론이라든가 ‘민주주의’, ‘시민의식’의 기준과 시각에서 보면 중국 민주당파의 존재와 역할을 긍정 평가하기는 어렵겠지만, ‘감독과 협조’라는 민주당파의 역할이 중국공산당과 정책에 수용되어 왔음도 사실이다.
      중국공산당이 ‘다당합작제도의 장점’을 논한다면, 그들과 함께 민주당파도 중국현대사를 이끌어온 주요 주체이며 중국공산당과 함께 그 공과(功過)에 대한 책임도 있고, 중국공산당과 [8대 민주당파]는 이제까지와는 다르게 가야한다는 점도 알고 있다고 생각된다.
      중국공산당은 이들 [8대 민주당파]가 스스로 환골탈태할 수 있는 길과 기회를 보장함과 동시에 이들에 대한 ‘정치적 복권과 복위’를 단행해 중국식민주주의의 노정에서 대등한 ‘경쟁자’가 될 수있어야하고, 또한 그럴 수 있으리라는 관점이 본 논문의 논지이다.

      더보기

      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      With the massive influx of foreign words through China’s reform and open-door policy, the world is amazed at the way the Chinese
      people have successfully transformed and transferred the foreign words into their own vernacular. Forexample, “Coca Cola” which is pronounced “Kekoukele(可口可樂)” translates into “tasty fun.”
      Having lived in China for over 10 years, the impression one gets of the country is that neither “Chinese socialism” with its distinctive
      Chinese characteristics nor its “socialism market economy” is following a certain ideology or socialist theory, but rather slowly developing and paving a new path through its distinct “the eastern cultural power” and“people power.”
      China’s reform and open-door policy, which began with the
      emergence of Deng-Xiaoping’s(鄧小平) regime, is also in line with the “distinct Chinese socialism market economy” as it has produced successful results in realizing a distinct transformation of its economic system.Although the world is watching closely on other “necessary” changes in mainland China for its economic growth such as “social democratization” and “political reform”, these changes might not be as “necessary” to present day China.
      Seen from the Western point of view and its standards of “civic consciousness”, “democracy”, and party politics, it will be hard to give apositive evaluation on the Democratic party of China and the role it has undertaken. However, the fact that the role of the Democratic party to “supervise and cooperate” has been accommodated to the Chinese Communist party and its policies are also true.
      Should the Chinese Communist Party discuss the “merits of the multi-party cooperation system”, they would know that the democratic party, along with them, was a primary agent in shaping and leading Chinese modern history forwards and that they share with the communist party the responsibility for the merits and demerits.
      They would also be aware of the fact that they will, as of now, have to part ways with the [Eight democratic parties].
      This dissertation will argue for the need to have the communist party secure a way for the [Eight democratic parties] to give them a chance to turn over a new leaf; at the same time, their “political reinstatement and restoration” must be carried out, putting both parties on an equal footing in the way of Chinese democracy.
      번역하기

      With the massive influx of foreign words through China’s reform and open-door policy, the world is amazed at the way the Chinese people have successfully transformed and transferred the foreign words into their own vernacular. Forexample, “Coca C...

      With the massive influx of foreign words through China’s reform and open-door policy, the world is amazed at the way the Chinese
      people have successfully transformed and transferred the foreign words into their own vernacular. Forexample, “Coca Cola” which is pronounced “Kekoukele(可口可樂)” translates into “tasty fun.”
      Having lived in China for over 10 years, the impression one gets of the country is that neither “Chinese socialism” with its distinctive
      Chinese characteristics nor its “socialism market economy” is following a certain ideology or socialist theory, but rather slowly developing and paving a new path through its distinct “the eastern cultural power” and“people power.”
      China’s reform and open-door policy, which began with the
      emergence of Deng-Xiaoping’s(鄧小平) regime, is also in line with the “distinct Chinese socialism market economy” as it has produced successful results in realizing a distinct transformation of its economic system.Although the world is watching closely on other “necessary” changes in mainland China for its economic growth such as “social democratization” and “political reform”, these changes might not be as “necessary” to present day China.
      Seen from the Western point of view and its standards of “civic consciousness”, “democracy”, and party politics, it will be hard to give apositive evaluation on the Democratic party of China and the role it has undertaken. However, the fact that the role of the Democratic party to “supervise and cooperate” has been accommodated to the Chinese Communist party and its policies are also true.
      Should the Chinese Communist Party discuss the “merits of the multi-party cooperation system”, they would know that the democratic party, along with them, was a primary agent in shaping and leading Chinese modern history forwards and that they share with the communist party the responsibility for the merits and demerits.
      They would also be aware of the fact that they will, as of now, have to part ways with the [Eight democratic parties].
      This dissertation will argue for the need to have the communist party secure a way for the [Eight democratic parties] to give them a chance to turn over a new leaf; at the same time, their “political reinstatement and restoration” must be carried out, putting both parties on an equal footing in the way of Chinese democracy.

      더보기

      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • ㅡ 목 차 ㅡ
      • 제 1 장. 서 론 ································································································ 1
      • 1. 문제의 제기 ·····························································································1
      • 2. 연구의 목적·······························································································4
      • 3. 연구의 범위·······························································································5
      • ㅡ 목 차 ㅡ
      • 제 1 장. 서 론 ································································································ 1
      • 1. 문제의 제기 ·····························································································1
      • 2. 연구의 목적·······························································································4
      • 3. 연구의 범위·······························································································5
      • 4. 연구의 방법·······························································································6
      • 제 2 장. 중국헌법의 이념과 특유의 정당제도(政黨制度) ·····················8
      • 1. ‘헌정(憲政) 완성’은 중국 민주주의의 완성········································8
      • 2. 중국 특유의 정당제도로서의 다당합작제(多黨合作制) ····················9
      • 3, 중국식 다당합작제와 서구식(西歐式)정당제도의 비교분석 ·········· 11
      • 4. 다당합작제와 그 방식으로서의
      • 인민정치협상회의(人民政治協商會議) ···················14
      • 제 3 장. 중화인민공화국(中華人民共和國)의 권력구조 (權力構造) ·· 22
      • 1. 전국인민대표대회(全國人民代表大會) ················································22
      • 2. 중화인민공화국주석(中華人民共和國主席) ········································23
      • 3. 국무원(國務院) ························································································24
      • 4. 중앙군사위원회(中央軍事委員會) ························································25
      • 5. 인민법원과 인민검찰원 (人民法院和人民检察院) ····························26
      • 제 4 장. 중국 민주주의 발전사 개관 ··························································30
      • 1. 1895년 타이완민주국(臺灣民主國) 건국 선언································30
      • 2. 1905년 쑨원(孫文) ‘삼민주의’ 제창 ················································30
      • 3. 1915년 위안스카이(袁世凱) 의회개설과 제정(帝政)시도 ·············30
      • 4. 1919년 5 4운동, ‘민주’와 ‘과학’ ·····················································31
      • 5. 1938년 제2차 국 공 합작·······························································31
      • 6. 1940년 마오쩌둥(毛澤東)의 『신민주주의론』······························31
      • 7. 1949년 정치협상회의(政治協商會議)개최 ········································32
      • 8. 1954년 헌법제정, ‘인민민주주의독재 사회주의 국가’ 성립········ 32
      • 9. 1957년 기만적 쌍백운동(雙百運動) ················································33
      • 10. 1957년 마오쩌둥『인민 내부의 모순……』발표. ······················34
      • 11. 1959년 루산(廬山)회의, 펑더화이(彭德懷) 등 실각····················35
      • 12. 1966년 문화대혁명과 ‘대민주(大民主)’ ··········································36
      • 13. 1974년 리이쩌(李一哲)의 대자보 ····················································37
      • 14. 1976년 제1차 천안문(天安門)사건 ··················································37
      • 15. 덩샤오핑(鄧小平)체제의 등장과 개혁개방(改革開放) ···················38
      • 16. 중국인민의 ‘민주‘ 열망과 일국양제(一國兩制) 통일····················41
      • 제 5 장. 중국 8대 민주당파 각 파의 특색과 형성과정 ·························43
      • 1. 중국국민당혁명위원회(中国国民党革命委员会) ································43
      • 2. 중국민주동맹(中国民主同盟) ································································44
      • 3. 중국민주건국회(中国民主建国会) ························································45
      • 4. 중국민주촉진회(中国民主促进会) ························································45
      • 5. 중국농공민주당(中国农工民主党) ························································46
      • 6. 중국치공당(中国致公党) ····································································
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